During the period 1922-39, who achieved more in Anglo-Irish relations, Cosgrave or De Valera? Argue your case, referring to both.

#625Lab – History, marked 87/100, detailed feedback at the very bottom. You may also like: Leaving Cert History Guide (€).

The Irish Free State came into existence on the 6th December, 1923- exactly one year after the Anglo-Irish Treaty. The State was born into the chaos of the Civil War, which was caused by the issue of Irish independence and Anglo-Irish relations. Over the next few decades, Anglo-Irish relations would remain the dominant issue in Irish politics.

Under the terms of the Anglo-Irish Treaty, Ireland was granted ‘dominion status’ which meant it was a self governing nation within the Commonwealth. However, Ireland held significant differences to other dominions of the Commonwealth; the Governor-General who represented the monarchy had to be Irish, the Oath of Allegiance was less royalist in its’ wording and the power to govern the land came from its’ citizens, not the British monarchy. These differences existed because of the fact that unlike other dominions, Ireland had a long history of independence. Hence, there was a strong desire to transcend the limitations as a dominion. Throughout the period 1922-39, successive Irish governments would try to undo the restrictions of the Anglo-Irish Treaty, with one succeeding significantly more than the other.

No sooner was the Civil War over that Cosgrave began to fulfil Michael Collins’ “stepping stone” theory about the Anglo-Anglo-Irish Treaty, that it was the “freedom to achieve freedom”. Cosgrave took three steps that clearly established Ireland as a seperate nation and not merely a subordinate fragment of “the British Isles”, a very daring development in Anglo-Irish relations. In the face of British opposition, the Irish Free State applied for membership to the League of Nations. Its application was successful and it was admitted on 10th September, 1923. The following year, on 11th July 1924, the Irish Free State registered the Anglo Irish Treaty as an international agreement. Then, in October 1924, the Irish Free State established its own diplomatic relations with the United States of America. Dr T.A Smiddy was accepted as the Irish Minister Plenipotentiary to Washington D.C. At that time, all other dominion were represented by Britain’s ambassador to the US.

To co-ordinate the business of such a vast area as the British Commonwealth, imperial conferences were held from 1921 onwards. The Irish delegations proved highly adept at forming alliances with other dominions, notably Canada and South Africa, with whom they formed the ‘Balfour Formula’, named after the Chairman of the Imperial Conferences, Arthur Balfour. These countries were also seeking to increase their control over their own affairs. At the 1926 conference, the Irish delegation played a key role in establishing the principle of equality between Britain and her dominions. At subsequent imperial conferences, Irish diplomats built upon this achievement. The end result of this process was the Statute of Westminster.

The Statute of Westminster was a law passed by the British parliament. It gave the parliament of each dominion the power to accept or reject laws passed by the British parliament. The Statute of Westminster had two consequences; it gave the British government the power to alter the terms of the Anglo-Irish Treaty and it removed the right of the British government to prevent this. This opened new possibilities for expanding Irish independence. However, Cosgrave would not get to reap this political harvest. Fianna Fail won the 1932 election. As President of the Executive Coucil, De Valera was determined to take advantage of the power granted in the Statute of Westminster. Over the next six years he systematically dismantled the Anglo-Irish Treaty. His aim was, as he put it, to create a “republic in fact”. This would prove to be a huge development in Anglo-Irish relations.

In March 1932 De Valera declare the Oath of Allegiance to be merely a “relic”. A law abolishing it was enacted in May 1933. This proved to be an important step in conciliating Republicans and it helped to reconcile all but the most extreme elements to the Free State. Before De Valera could remove the Office of Governor General he had to downgrade it’s important. This was achieved through delivered campaign of public insults committed against its occupant James MacNeill. This so demeaned the office that MacNeill was forced to resign in October 1932. He was replaced by De Valera first choice: Domhnall O’Buachalla. He never resided in the vice-regal lodge and never acted in any kind of public capacity. By making the office effectively disappear, de Valera paved way for its abolition when a suitable opportunity arose. In November 1933, de Valera stripped the Governor General of the power to withhold consent to bills passed by the Dail. Also, the right of appeal from the Irish courts to the Privy Council in London was ended.

The abolition of the Senate in May 1936 allowed de Valera to make swift constitutional changes when an opportunity arose. This came with the abdication crisis of December 1936. De Valera swiftly introduced two constitutional changes. In Constitutional Amendment 27, all mention of the British monarch and the governor general were removed from the existing Free State Constitution. This ended the role of the British monarch in the internal affairs of the Irish Free State. Under the External Relations Act, the Free State was said to be merely “associated” with the Commonwealth. The monarchs role was reduced to appointing Irish diplomatic representatives, but only after being advised by the Irish government. Significantly, de Valera had achieved the external association he has sought during the Treaty negotiations. The British monarch was only recognised as the head of the commonwealth to allay unionist concerns and help to ease the process of reunification at some future date.

Given the scale of alterations made to the existing Free State Constitution of 1922, de Valera believed it should be replaced. Thought de Valera consulted widely, the new constitution was very much his creation. Entitled “Bunreacht na hEireann”, the head of the state was now constitutionally confirmed as the Taoiseach. The Anglo-Irish Treaty had been so revised that Ireland was now a “dictionary republic”. Interestingly, the British government’s response was low-key, merely stating that Irelands membership of the Commonwealth had not been affected. This was a huge achievement in Anglo-Irish relations under Eamon de Valera.

De Valera took every opportunity to drive home to other countries that Ireland was a sovereign state. De Valera invested heavily in building up a strong, effective Irish diplomatic service. In September 1932 he was elected President of the Council of the League of Nations and in 1938 was elected President of the Assembly. De Valera was committed to the ideals of the League. Despite the domestic criticism, he supported the USSR’s application for membership in 1934 as well as the policy of non-intervention during the Spanish Civil War however it was leagues failure to curb the aggression of Nazi Germany the lad him to opt for neutrality in World War II.

In conclusion, it is obvious to me (don’t use personal words like this in a history essay) that de Valera achieved far more throughout his time in office in terms of Anglo-Irish relations. Though Cosgrave did well to achieve international recognition and lobby for the Statute of Westminster, de Valeras stroke of luck through being elected straight after the Statute of Westminster was enacted and general strong diplomatic and political skills allowed for him to create a true “dictionary republic”.

Feedback: This is a really well-written essay. It answers the questions directly with relevant information. It’s well-structured and deals with both aspects of the question. You use some quotations but should try to incorporate more where possible in future essays. You also use plenty of key terms, which examiners watch out for.

Cumulative Mark: This could achieve 60 out of 60 marks for its cumulative mark – if you want to improve your chances of this, try to include one or two extra paragraphs in future.

Overall Evaluation Mark: This would get around 27/40 for overall evaluation. This is a good mark for overall evaluation, as only extremely high standards achieve higher marks.

Total: 87/100

How did Anglo-Irish relations develop during the period 1922-39?

The period 1922 to 1939 saw significant and rapid change in Anglo Irish relations. In under 30 years the relationship between the Irish and British governments developed like never before. Tensions between the two countries were now played out in the diplomatic arena as opposed to the battlefield cemented in the history between the two nations. Under W.T Cosgrave’s Cumann na nGaedheal government, Ireland’s restless dominion status and independent foreign policy, the boundry (boundary) commission , the Balfour declaration and statue of Westminster led to shifts in the dynamic between the two countries. Under De Valera and Fianna Fáil, the Anglo-Irish treaty was slowly dismantled, an economic war was waged, and Irish neutrality was declared.

The Anglo-Irish treaty of 1921 proved as an essential catalyst in promoting change in Anglo-Irish relations. As Michael Collins said, “It gives us freedom, not the ultimate freedom that all nations desire but the freedom to achieve it.” Under the terms of the treaty, Ireland became a member of the British commonwealth like Canada and South Africa. However, Ireland was a special case which had received its commonwealth status as a result of rebellion. It was a restless dominion, egar (eager) to extend its independence. W.T Cosgrave’s Cumann na nGaedheal government thus strove to use the treaty as a “stepping stone” to full Irish Independence, ultimately bringing change to the Anglo-Irish relations of the past.

The Free State government set out following an independent foreign policy. To assert Irish sovereignty, Ireland joined the league of nations in 1923. At the league in Geneva in 1924, the Anglo-Irish treaty was registered showcasing to the world that it was an inter-nation agreement. While Britain objected claiming that it was an “internal matter”, the Irish delegates displayed that Ireland was a sovereign state. While commonwealth countries relied on British ambassadors to represent them in foreign countries, Ireland sent their own ambassadors to countries such as Germany and the USA. It was apparent that Ireland was slowly building up International relationships moving further away from British dominance.

Under article 12 of the Anglo-Irish treaty, a boundry (boundary) commission was to be set up in order to define the Irish border. Delayed by the Irish civil war, it began in October 1924. South African judge Chief Justice Feetham chaired the commission, while JR Fisher and Eoin MacNeill represented Nothern (Northern) Ireland and the Irish Free State respectively. The commission had to adjust the border in accordance with “The wishes of the inhabitants so far as may be compatible with economic and geographic conditions.” The boundry (boundary) commission was a disaster for the Cumann na nGaedheal government as it failed to deliver the return of more catholic areas of Northern Ireland. It was used by Sinn Féin and later Fianna Fáil to paint Cumann na nGaeldhael (nGaedheal) as pro-British. Evidently, the treatment of the Boundry (boundary) commission by W.T Cosgrave’s government was a weakness in Ireland’s Anglo-Irish policy. It made partition permanent, reinforcing a British presence in Ireland.

While the Boundry (boundary) commission displayed a weakness in the Free States handling of Anglo-Irish relations, Irish presence at the Imperial Conferences proved highly successful. They worked together with other dominions to press the British government for reform. As a result, this led to the Balfour Declaration ,1926, which placed the dominions on an equal footing as Britain, declaring that they were “In no way subordinate to one another.” In 1931, the Statue of Westminster gave the dominions the right to repeal laws passed by Westminster concerning them. Many historians would argue that Cumann na nGaeldhael’s (nGaedheal’s) decision to honor the treaty ultimatly (ultimately) led to their downfall. It was clear that Anglo-Irish relations were evolving as Ireland began to achieve greater achievement and respect from the British establishment.

When Fianna Fáil formed the government in 1932, they used the freedom achieved by the Free State government to dismantle the treaty. De Valera appointed himself Minister for External Affairs and removed the Oath of Allegiance, the Senate, the office of Governor General and the Privy council. He also used the abdication of crisis of 1936 to remove the British king as the Irish head of state. De Valera’s dismantling of the treaty antagonised Britain but they legally couldn’t stop them. Ireland began to move rapidly from British control as Collins’ “Stepping stone” theory became a reality.

In 1932 while dismantling the treaty, the Fianna Fáil government withheld £5 million in land annuities owed to Britain. The British feared that Ireland would leave the commonwealth, so they placed taxes on Irish cattle exports to Britain valued at £5 million. They aimed to make De Valera unpopular but in contrast it aided him to win the 1933 election. Contact almost ceased with British apart from the Coal-Cattle pact in 1935 which eased tariffs on the two items. The “Cold war” like stance between the two countries displayed the tension and hostility for one another, as both sides were eager to win.

By 1937, Irelands relationship with Britain had changed significantly. A new constitution was drawn up and ratified in a referendum. Regarding Anglo-Irish affairs, the Irish government further distanced itself from Britain and controversially claimed the right to the 32 counties. Unsure if Ireland was still in the British commonwealth, Britain remained treating Ireland as if nothing had changed, by 1938, both countries wished to improve relations. As part of the Anglo-Irish agreement 1938, British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain agreed to return the treaty ports to Ireland, bringing an end to the economic war. This can be seen as an example of his wider policy of appeasement as he had hoped doing this would improve Anglo-Irish relations. The retrieval of the ports allowed Ireland to declare neutrality during World War II in 1939. The decision to opt for neutrality was a further assertion of Irish Independence from Britain.

The Norman invasion of Ireland in the late 12th century showcased the beginning of the shared history between Ireland and Britain. Marked by insurrection, war and strained diplomacy, their relationship has been evolving for centuries. However, many historians would agree that the period from 1922 to 1939 represented the most considerable development in Anglo-Irish relations. Through Cumann na nGaedhael’s (nGaedheal’s) acts of displaying Irish sovereignty to Fianna Fail’s devotion to removing British involvement in the Irish establishment, Anglo-Irish relations underwent rapid change.

Feedback: This is a really well-written essay – you have a lovely style of writing, and you answer the question clearly in every paragraph. Your use of quotation is good, and you display a good depth of knowledge for the topic. Your commentary is also strong. One thing to watch out for though is small spelling errors, especially in key terms like Cumann na nGaedheal and boundary commission. Your introduction serves as a good starting point for the answer, and your conclusion is strong as it sums up the essay but also gives a little bit extra by placing the topic in wider Anglo-Irish history.

Cumulative Mark: I’d give this about 54 out of 60 for its cumulative mark – that’s a mark of 6 out of 12 per paragraph (which is good, as it’s difficult to achieve above 8 on a paragraph). If you want to increase your likelihood of scoring 60/60, try to reach ten paragraphs of this caliber.

Overall Evaluation Mark: I’d give this about 27 out of 40 for Overall Evaluation – you present accurate and relevant information with good commentary which answers the question, but to get much higher than this you would need to be doing extensive extra reading and making high quality analysis.

Total: 81/100

During the period 1922-1939, how did Anglo-Irish relations develop under WT Cosgrave and Eamon de Valera?

The Anglo-Irish treaty was signed in December 1921, bringing an end to the War of Independence and a supposed answer to the ‘Irish Question’. Ireland was given dominion status within the British Commonwealth. Pro-treatyites saw the treaty as a ‘stepping stone’ and argued that it gave the Free State the ‘freedom to achieve freedom’. Others saw it as a betrayal of the leaders of the 1916 Rising and the 32-county republic that they had fought for. The treaty was accepted in the Dail and de Valera walked out in protest. Over the period 1922-1939, Cosgrave and de Valera took on the challenge of Anglo-Irish relations. Cosgrave took planned and careful steps so as not to upset the British whereas de Valera took a more hard-line approach, favouring constitutional change.

The Cumman na nGaedhal party came to power in 1922 during the Civil War. They had the task of establishing law and order in the newly-formed Free State, as well as domestic policy, healthcare and social policy. Cosgrave took carefully planned steps to achieving more independence from the British, favouring Collins’ ‘stepping stone’ diplomacy. In 1923, the Free State joined the League of Nations. This shocked the British as it was the first time a dominion had joined an international body in its own right. In 1924, Cosgrave got the treaty to be recognised as a global agreement. The British had seen it as an internal matter but did not feel the need to intervene. Cosgrave also appointed TA Smiddy, a professor as Irish ambassador to America. This surprised the British as they felt that the Free state should be represented by the British ambassador. Cosgrave was careful in looking for more freedom as he did not want to provoke further negotiating or a war.

The Boundary Commission completed their work under Cosgrave as well. This included a Free State commissioner, a Northern Ireland commissioner and a neutral chairman who looked to redraw the border between the Free State and Northern Ireland. During negotiations, Lloyd George implied that the border would be drawn in such a way that Northern Ireland would become too small to be viable and eventually join in with an all-Ireland parliament. However, once the commission began their work, it looked as if the Free State would lose land and Cosgrave demanded that the report should be ‘burned or buried’. This was a disaster in Anglo-Irish relations as they could not come to a mutually acceptable agreement. The Free State also became involved in the Imperial Conferences and played an important role in pushing the Balfour Declaration, putting dominions on equal footing with the British. This paved the way for the Statute of Westminster 1931, which gave dominions the right to make their own laws and repeal those made by the British. For the Free State, this meant reviewing some of the terms of the Anglo-Irish treaty. Cosgrave promised to honour the treaty but when Fianna Fail came into power in 1932, it was De Valera who got the advantage.

De Valera came into power looking to repeal the terms of the Anglo-Irish treaty. He first looked to remove the oath of allegiance in 1933. This was one of the most controversial aspects, causing Fianna Fail to leave the Dail in 1921 and was the cause of the Civil War. The British claimed it was an integral part of the treaty, but de Valera said that it was necessary to improve Anglo-Irish relations as it was so greatly resented. To de Valera, it now seemed that he should remove the King’s representative in Ireland, the governor general. He attempted to make a mockery of the position, refusing to invite him to public functions. He eventually replaced MacNeill with his own choice, O Buachalla, who refused to live in the Vice Regal Lodge. The position was eventually removed in 1937. During the abdication crisis of 1936, de Valera passed the External Relations Act and the Constitutional Amendment Act which effectively removed the British monarchy from the constitution. This gave de Valera an opportunity to draft a new constitution, Bunreacht na hEireann in 1937, which is arguably de Valera’s greatest contribution to Irish life. The British allowed this and did not intervene, even though they could. De Valera had created a ‘republic in fact’.

In 1935, de Valera sought to eradicate the land reparations the Irish had agreed to pay in the Treaty. He saw it as unfair that Ireland had to buy their own land back and argued that the high cost was making economic recovery impossible. In 1936, he declared that Ireland would be withholding payment for the first half of the year and placing the money in a Free State treasury. The British decided to get the money another way, placing tariffs on Irish goods. They received £10.7 million of the £12 million owed in this way. In retaliation, de Valera placed tariffs on British goods, sparking an economic war. Life was made difficult for Irish citizens, but de Valera saw it as necessary for complete separation. The Irish slogan of ‘burn everything British but their coal’ led to unemployment in the British coalmining industry and the British saw it was time to make an agreement. The Anglo-Irish Agreement was signed in 1938: all tariffs were lifted, Ireland paid a £10 million lump sum for reparations and Ireland got the three ‘treaty ports’ back. This was a positive step in Anglo-Irish relations as they had come to a mutually acceptable agreement. Britain felt they had made a great concession and hoped the Free State would do the same in time of war.

When war broke out in 1939, the Free State declared a position of neutrality and non-participation for the duration of the war. The Free State were not strong enough militarily to become involved and were war-weary following the War of Independence and subsequent Civil War. More importantly to de Valera, it was an assertion of Irish independence as they were seen to be separate from Britain. Churchill openly criticised Eire’s position of neutrality and requested use of the Treaty ports during the conflict. De Valera refused as he did not want to be drafted into the war. Churchill even offered Irish unity, but de Valera still refused as he knew that Unionists would not approve. This was a positive step in Anglo-Irish relations as Britain allowed the Free State to have this position of neutrality. It put a further strain on relations following the Anglo-Irish Agreement, but ultimately created more distance between the two which was a success for de Valera.

Anglo-Irish relations were an important issue for leadership during this period as Eire looked for further independence. Cosgrave and de Valera dealt with them in varying ways, achieving varying results. While Cosgrave remained friendly relations with Britain, de Valera’s hard line approach achieved better Anglo-Irish relations in the long term, as Eire resented British interference.

Feedback: This essay contains a lot of relevant and correct information, and you show that you know the information well. Your introduction is good and lays out the question well, and while your conclusion might be a little bit short, it is also good. You use some very small quotes, which is good, but you should try to incorporate longer quotations to bring the essay up a level. You definitely answer the question, and make nice commentary at some points, such as when you comment on neutrality being a positive development – you should try to make commentary like this in each paragraph. While this essay is a good length, your number of paragraphs might leave you a bit short on your cumulative mark – you could try splitting the longer paragraphs into 2 smaller ones, or try to find another paragraph or two. Otherwise, this is a well-written essay.

Cumulative Mark: Currently, this would achieve about 40/60 for its cumulative mark – this is based on your paragraphs achieving a ‘good’ mark of 6, and with the conclusion achieving about 5 marks – to bring this up, try to increase the number of paragraphs.

Overall Evaluation: For Overall Evaluation, this would achieve a “good” mark of about 25/40 – to bring this up, you can include further commentary in each paragraph.

Total Mark: 65/100